Mortgage applications decreased 0.2 percent from one week earlier, according to data from the Mortgage Bankers Association’s (MBA) Weekly Applications Survey for the week ending July 5, 2024. Last week’s results included an adjustment for the July 4th holiday.
The Market Composite Index, a measure of mortgage loan application volume, decreased 0.2 percent on a seasonally adjusted basis from one week earlier. On an unadjusted basis, the Index decreased 20 percent compared with the previous week. The seasonally adjusted Purchase Index increased 1 percent from one week earlier. The unadjusted Purchase Index decreased 19 percent compared with the previous week and was 13 percent lower than the same week one year ago.
The Refinance Index decreased 2 percent from the previous week and was 28 percent higher than the same week one year ago.
Mprtgage prepays fell less than daycoiunt.
But on;y high-coupn GNMAs prepayments sped up.
Finally, most out-of-the-money loans are now fully seasoned.
Stated differently, virtually everything the Fed does for the alleged benefit of the American economy is both unnecessary and a ruse. The Fed has actually become a captive of the Wall Street traders, gamblers and high rollers, and functions mainly at their behest.
The proof of this proposition starts with the startling historical fact that the post-war US economy did just fine without any interest rate targeting, heavy-duty bond-buying or general macroeconomic management help from the Fed at all. For all practical purposes today’s omnipresent Fed domination of the financial and economic system was non-existent at that point in time.
We are referring to the full decade between Q4 1951 and Q3 1962 when the balance sheet of the Fed remained flat as a board at just $51 billion (black line). Yet the US economy did not gasp for lack of monetary oxygen. GDP grew from $356 billion to $609 billion or by 71% (purple line) during the period. That’s nominal growth of 5.1% per annum, and the majority of it represented real output gains, not inflation.
Change in Federal Reserve Balance Sheet Versus GDP, Q4 1951 to Q3 1962.
As it happened, this halcyon span encompassed the immediate period after the so-called Treasury-Fed Accord of March 1951, which finally ended the WWII expedient that had pegged Treasury bills at 0.375% and the long-bond at 2.5o% in order to finance the massive flow of war debt.
The effect of the WWII pegs, of course, was that the Fed had been obliged to absorb any and all US Treasury supply that did not clear the market at the target yields. Not surprisingly, the Fed’s 1937 balance sheet of $12 billion had risen by 4.3X to $51 billion by the time of the Accord, thereby reflecting what amounted to the original version of backdoor monetization of the public debt, which was justified at the time by the exigencies of war.
By contrast, in the post-peg period shown below interest rates were allowed by a newly liberated Fed to find their own market clearing levels. So there was no continuous guessing game on Wall Street about where the next monthly Fed meeting would peg short-term interest rates. Back then, it was understood that the forces of supply and demand down in the bond pits of Wall Street were fully capable of discovering the right interest rates, given the financial and economic facts then extant.
The combination of high growth, robust investment, strong wages and smartly rising real family income, on the one hand, and rock-bottom inflation on the other, surely constitutes the gold standard of performance for a modern capitalist economy.
And yet, and yet. It was all accomplished under a regime of persistent “light touch” central banking that assumed free market capitalism would find its own way to optimum economic growth, employment, housing, investment and main street prosperity. No monetary Sherpa at the Eccles Building was necessary.
Even more crucially, no money printing was necessary, either. The sterling economic results depicted below happened during a 11-year period when the Fed did not purchase one net dime of U.S. Treasury debt!
Per Annum Change, Q4 1951 to Q3 1962
Real Final Sales: +3.8%.
Real Domestic Investment: +4.1%.
Nonfarm productivity growth: +2.5%.
Real hourly wages: +3%.
Real Median Family Income: +2.3%.
CPI Increase: +1.3%
Federal Reserve Liabilities, 1937 to 1962
There is absolutely nothing about this period that makes the superior macroeconomic performance summarized above aberrational, flukish or unreplicable. In fact, President Eisenhower cut defense spending sharply and eliminated the fiscal deficit entirely during his second term. So, the cumulative increase in the public debt during this 11-year period was just $30 billion or a tiny 0.6% of GDP owing to Korean War borrowing early in the period.
But even this modest debt increase wasn’t monetized by Fed bond-buying. Instead, it was effectively financed out of private savings in the bond pits. Long-term bond yields, therefore, actually rose from the 2.5% pegged level shown below for 1942 to 1951 to upwards of 4% by the end of the period, as dictated by supply and demand. Still, the CPI averaged just 1.2% during 1959-1962, meaning that real yields bordered on +3.o% during the early 1960s.
That is to say, at the time, the Fed had seen no need to push real rates to zero and even into negative territory as has been the case for much of the last two decades. The fact is, the main street economy prospered mightily even when inflation-adjusted rates were providing a solid return to savers and investors.
Long-Term US Treasury Bond Yield, 1942 to 1962
What ended the benign economics of 1951 to 1962, of course, was the scourge of War Finance. LBJ (Lyndon B. Johnson) escalated the Vietnam War dramatically after 1963, causing the debt to soar and the 10-year UST to climb to nearly 6% by early 1968. But Johnson was not about to allow market clearing interest rates to fund his misbegotten venture in bringing the blessings of the Great Society to southeast Asia.
So he gave “the treatment” to the Fed Chairman at his Texas ranch and ordered to cut the Federal funds rate to accommodate LBJ’s surging Federal deficit. The latter had grown from $4.8 billion and -0.8% of GDP in 1963 to $25.2 billion and -2.8% of GDP by 1968.
Unfortunately, after steadily and appropriately raising the Fed funds rate from 2.9% in December 1962 to 5.75% by November 1966 as Johnson’s inflationary deficits grew, the funds rate was brought down rapidly to 3.8% by July 1967. In turn, that unleashed a red-hot wave of speculation and inflation, with the CPI rising from a 1% Y/Y (year-on-year) gain in August 1964 to a +6.4% peak in February 1970.
There is no mystery as to why the inflationary genie was now out of the bottle. Between Q3 1962 and Q4 1970, the Fed’s heretofore flat balance sheet (black line) soared skyward, rising from $52 billion to $85 billion over the eight-year period. That amounted to a 6% per year gain, meaning that the precedent for aggressive balance sheet expansion had now been firmly established.
Inflation-Adjusted Yield on 10-Year UST Versus Fed Balance Sheet Growth, 1962 to 1970
The first victim, of course, was inflation-adjusted bond yields (purple line above). As shown above, the healthy +3% real yield of 1962 fell to barely +1% by the end of 1970.
Yet the crucial essence of this “guns and butter” breakdown cannot be gainsaid. To wit, the Fed was not driven to this first round of post-war money-printing and debt monetization because the private economy had gone into a mysterious swoon or failure mode and therefore needed a helping hand from the nation’s central bank.
To the contrary, this was a Washington driven departure from sound central banking pure and simple. And as we will amplify below, it was off to the races of Rogue Central Banking from there.
Once the inflation genie was out of the bottle with the CPI clocking in at 6% by the fall of 1970, the Fed struggled for more than a decade to put it back. Consequently, any focus on stimulating growth, jobs, housing and investment was infrequent and definitely secondary to inflation-fighting.
We amplify the 1970s flood of central bank money and the resulting inflationary mess below, but it is important to note at the onset that despite four recessions (1970, 1975, 1980 and 1981) and very little pro-growth help from what was now an inflation-preoccupied Fed, the US economy did expand at a decent clip during the interval between Q4 1969 and Q2 1987.
The economic growth rate (real final sales basis) averaged a solid +3.1% per annum, but that occurred due to the inherent growth propensities of private capitalism and despite the roadblocks thrown up by periodic bouts of monetary stringency. In fact, three Fed chairman served during that 17.5-year interval—Burns, Miller and Volcker—and with varying degrees of success their focus was overwhelmingly on suppressing inflation, not goosing growth.
As it happened, the growth rates of jobs, productivity and real median family income during this period were not especially outstanding, but these metrics didn’t plunge into an economic black hole, either.
Self-evidently, these outcomes on main street were the work of market capitalism, not the central bank. The latter was leaning hard against inflation during most of the period—so this absence of central bank “help” is just further proof that easy money stimulus is not necessary for solid growth and main street prosperity.
Per Annum Change, Q4 1969 to Q2 1987
Real Final Sales of Domestic Product: +3.1%.
Labor hours employed: +1.5%.
Nonfarm productivity: +1.8%.
Real Median Family Income: +1.2%.
For avoidance of doubt, here is the path of the Federal funds rate as the above macroeconomic performance was unfolding. To wit, the Fed’s recurrent anti-inflation initiatives caused the funds rate to gyrate wildly like some kind of monetary jumping bean. In the run-up to each of the four recessions designated by the shaded areas of the graph, the increase in the Fed funds rate was as follows:
1970: +340 basis points.
1974: +960 basis points.
1980: +1,290 basis points.
1981: +440 basis points.
Needless to say, these successive rate-raising campaigns amounted to hammer blows to the main street economy. There is no way that these violent interest rate swings and the consequent start and stop economic cycles—four recessions in only 17 years— were a tonic for growth during this era of high and volatile inflation.
In effect, the reasonably solid macroeconomic performance quantified above represents a kind of free market minimum. It reflects the relentless drive of workers, consumers, entrepreneurs, businessmen, investors, savers and speculators to better their own economic circumstances—even in the face of inflationary roadblocks and anti-inflation financial manipulation by the central bank.
Federal Funds Rate, August 1968 to June 1987
Of course, the inflationary roadblocks were enormous, and far beyond any prior peacetime experience. Compared to the 1.3% inflation average during 1951 to 1962, the CPI rose at a 5.6% rate over 1969:4 to 1987:2.
And that included the benefit of the sharp drop in inflation engineered by Paul Volcker during the final four years of the period. Thus, during the decade of the 1970s through the Y/Y inflation peak at 14.6% in April 1980, the CPI rose by an average of 7.7% per annum.
In turn, this introduced the wage-earning classes for the first time to the treadmill of robustly rising nominal wage rates, which become almost entirely consumed by sharply rising consumer prices. Thus, during the decade ending in the inflationary peak of Q2 1980, average hourly earnings in nominal terms rose by 7.6% per annum. But, alas, what stuck to the walls of workers’ bank accounts was a gain of only 1.1% per annum during the same period. All the rest was eaten up by inflation.
Y/Y Change in the CPI, 1960 to 1987
If the wage/price treadmill effect introduced after 1969 was the whole story, the impact might be considered minimally tolerable. The resilience of market capitalism was shown to be sufficiently strong so as to overcome much of the inflationary headwinds, along with the Fed’s punishing cycles of anti-inflation tightening.
Unfortunately, however, what also materialized out of the 1970s inflation era were two exceedingly harmful corollaries.
The first was the notion that the job of the central bank was to manage the rate of change in the general price level, rather than the far more modest original remit. The latter presumed the presence of noninflationary gold-backed money—so inflation-management would have been an oxymoron.Consequently, the Fed’s actual statutory mandate was simply to provide liquidity and reserves to the banking system based on market rates of interest. The Fed heads didn’t need to know from the CPI, PCE deflator or any other modern inflation measuring stick that had not yet been invented.
As it happened, however, management of the short run pace by which the general price level is rising was a fateful portal into statist central banking and the plenary management of the macro-economy in which the inflation indices are inextricably embedded. Eventually the bastard son of this strategic opening to vastly expanded state power materialized as the holy grail of 2% inflation.
Yet, here’s the thing. Until the gold-backed dollar was deep-sixed by Nixon in August 1971 and the possibility of rising, persistent and eventually double-digit peacetime inflation materialized in the 1970s, the idea of central bank management of the inflation rate didn’t even exist. That’s because peacetime price stability was the default condition of the gold standard world. Indeed, from the Napoleonic Wars forward, “inflation” and wartime were pretty much synonymous because fiat money was almost invariably a temporary wartime expedient.
The other legacy of the inflationary 1970s was the breakout of high and ever rising unit labor costs in the US economy. This unnecessary but pervasive economic deformation eventually resulted in the massive offshoring of the US industrial economy.
The implication, of course, is that it would have been far better to stick with William McChesney Martin’s golden era of high growth, low inflation, a flat Federal Reserve balance sheet and interest rates driven overwhelmingly by supply and demand forces in the private financial markets. But as it happened, the Fed’s balance sheet during the decade of high inflation was the very opposite of flat.
Under the three successive Chairmen, the Fed’s balance sheet grew at the following compound annual rates:
Arthur Burns (Feb. 1970 to March 1978): +6.9%.
William Miller (March 1978 to August 1979): +9.5%.
Paul Volcker (August 1979 to August 1987): +6.8%.
Growth Lift-off of Federal Reserve Balance Sheet, Q1 1970 to Q2 1987
In a word, Volcker sharply slowed the runaway growth of the Fed’s balance sheet which had occurred under the regime of William Miller – the hapless former CEO of a conglomerate which made golf carts, snowmobiles and Cessna aircraft. But when all was said and done, the Volcker Fed still pumped new money into the economy at a rate barely below that of Arthur Burns. And Burns, of course, was the villain central banker who had ignominiously succumbed to Nixon’s entreaties to “give me money, Arthur” in support of his re-election campaign in 1972.
The amount of money the US government spends on foreign aid, wars, the so-called intelligence community, and other aspects of foreign policy is enormous and ever-growing. It’s an established trend in motion that is accelerating, and now approaching a breaking point. It could cause the most significant disaster since the 1930s. Most people won’t be prepared for what’s coming. That’s precisely why bestselling author Doug Casey and his team just released an urgent video with all the details.
Lest we forget, M2 Money printing exploded with Covid and kept increasing under Biden’s Reign of (Economic) Error.
This isn’t the Sahm’s Club that is good fpr consumers. This is the club which crushes consumers. Better to be called Joe’s Club after our demented President Joe Biden.
This uptick triggers the Sahm Rule, a real-time recession indicator, suggesting that the US economy is in, or is nearing, a recession. The Sahm Rule, developed by former Fed economist Claudia Sahm, is designed to identify the start of a recession using changes in the total unemployment rate.
According to the rule, a recession is underway if the three-month moving average of the national unemployment rate rises by 0.50 percentage points or more, relative to its low during the previous 12 months. With the June 2024 U-3 rate of 4.1 percent, the average of the last three months being 4.0 and the lowest 12-month rate of 3.5 percent in July 2023, this criterion has been met.
Sahm Rule indications (1960 – 2024)
Source: Bloomberg
Surveys had forecast the U-3 rate to hold steady at 4.0 percent in June, unchanged from May 2024. The seemingly small 0.1 percent uptick, however, carries substantial implications for the broader economy. One possible confounding effect of the signal is growth in the labor force: If the labor force grows rapidly and the economy does not generate enough jobs to match the increase, the unemployment rate might rise and the Sahm Rule may be triggered, even if overall employment is increasing.
The rise of initial claims over the past few weeks, and nine consecutive increases in continuing claims, support the June 2024 Sahm indication.
Source: Bloomberg
Equity futures were flat just after the release, while Treasuries rallied across all maturities.
In recent months, Fed Chairman Jerome Powell has indicated that “unexpected weakness” may prompt a start to an accommodative policy stance without the additional data sought regarding the pace of disinflation. Historically, an increase in unemployment rates and the onset of a recession have led to policy adjustments aimed at stimulating economic growth and mitigating job losses, and the reversal of the rate hikes which began in 2022 to mitigate the highest inflation in four decades has been widely anticipated.
While more data will be required to confirm the Sahm Rule indication, the impact of accelerating prices, interest rates at their highest levels since 2007, and commercially suppressive pandemic policies have probably caught up with US producers and consumers.
Biden’s version of Sahm’s Club. Where the economy tanks and all he and his wife Jill care about is staying in Power. Perhaps we should call the sagging US economy “Joe’s Club.”
A number of pominent cheerleaders (economists) have come out before CNN debate to claim that another Trump Presidency will generate even worse inflation than it has under Biden. Really? Before Covid struck in 2020, the last CPI YoY reading for Trump was only 2.34%. It rose to 9% YoY under Biden in June 2022. How did this happen? Federal binge spending and reckless Federal Reserve monetary policy.
The Nobel Prize -winning “economists” seem to have forgotten the unprecented money printing and interest rate suppression when Covid srtuck in 2020.
Of course, inflation soared after the massive Covid stimulus in 2020. It kept rising until The Fed started raising their target rate in 2022. But The Fed’s balance sheet remains elevated (green line).
In terms of M2 Money printing of Federal Reserve currency, M2 Money expanded greatly with Covid and continued to grow until 2022. Then M2 Money growth slowed as The Fed raised rates in 2022. Inflation started to decline (but price levels remained high) after The Fed raised rates and M2 Money growth stalled.
From Zero Hedge: With a Trump presidency looking virtually assured after Biden’s cataclysmic debate fiasco, the “expert” fear-brigade that defined Trump’s first term in office is out in full force, and last week 16 Nobel Prize-winning economists (not to be confused with 51 former spies) – who have previously been silent as a group over the brazen bull of inflation cooking Americans alive under President Biden, have teamed up for a pre-election collab to let us know that former President Trump ‘could stoke inflation if he wins.’
And while it is obvious that this latest attempt by the “expert class” to influence voters is nothing but more pro-Biden propaganda, the question of inflation’s fate under a Trump administration is certainly pertinent, especially now that the Fed’s new inflation target is effectively 3%. We ourselves took a look at this last week in “What Will Happen To Inflation Under A Trump Presidency“, and observed that it does make intuitive sense that if tariffs ramp up – as Trump has promised they will in bilateral China trade – then some inflationary impulse is almost certain to follow. This is how Rabobank’s strategist Philip Marey put it:
Biden’s recent decision to keep the Trump tariffs on China and add “strategic” tariffs are clearly part of the election campaign where Biden and Trump are outbidding each other to show that they want to bring jobs back to America. Although a Biden baseline would show lower inflation than a Trump baseline, and more Fed rate cuts, it is important to stress that both presidents will continue to follow a protectionist course, which means that inflation in both scenarios is higher than under a hypothetical free trade president. The same is true for Fed policy rates. When it comes to trade policy, both Republicans and Democrats have become protectionist, especially regarding China. This will lead to higher inflation and could slow down economic growth, especially if other countries retaliate against the US.
Again, there is nothing controversial about this view: it is the definition of conventional wisdom. But what is conventional wisdom is once again dead wrongas it has been for much of the past 15 years?
That is the hypothesis of none other than one of the most outspoken and contrarian Wall Street strategists, BofA’s Michael Hartnett, who in his latest Flow Show writes that far from inflationary, any new trade war launched by Trump will be a substantially deflationary event.
As Hartnett reminds us, the US-China trade war in 2018-2019 saw the largest rise in % of US duties collected since 1930 Smoot-Hawley.
And while Trump tariffs were maintained and even extended by Biden – something the 16 Nobel prize winners failed to mention – Hartnett warns that new tariffs in the next 12 months would be deflationary not inflationary, and here’s why: the Q1 2018 trade war backdrop was strong macro (ISM @ 60) and low rates (Fed funds @ 1.25%)… but the backdrop now for the next big rise in tariffs under Trump in the first half of 2025 is ISM <50 and Fed funds @ 5.5%, and most importantly, the global economy now is much weaker than in 2018.
As a result, unlike 7 years ago, it will take far less to push the world into a deflationary recession, one where China will not be able to push the global economy higher, and Trump’s new tariffs will be just the straw that breaks inflation’s back. Of course, it will also trigger a brutal global recession but at this point an economic slowdown may be welcome by an American population that is sick of seeing grocery prices rose by double digits every few months.
Incidentally, not much else will change, because the reality is that for much of the past decade the uniparty has been in control, and no matter how you slice it, both Biden and Trump (even before covid) are responsible for the 2 largest deficits of the past 80 years…
… yet inflation is now the #1 issue for electorate – which means “drunken sailor” spending by the government will mostly be frowned upon – and indeed US government spending is finally starting to ease off, down 2% on a rolling 12-month basis, with Hartnett showing in the next chart that fiscal excess wanes “bigly” in Year 1 of a new Presidential cycle:
Furthermore, while an election “sweep” scenario is bond negative, a presidential “split” with Congress is positive, and the latest probablities cited by Hartnett are: Trump/split Congress 40%, Biden/split Congress 25%, Trump sweep 25%, Biden sweep 10%.
Some more details from the Hartnett note:
US government is a $6-7tn beast, 3rd largest GDP in world and been growing >8% p.a. past few years;
While most expect US fiscal to remain stimulative post-election (e.g. CBO sees US deficit >5.5% GDP next 10 years), US government spending -2% on 12-month rolling basis;
1st year of new Presidential cycle typically sees big slowdown, and most important electoral bloc in 2024 (65mn Gen Z & Millennial votes set to outnumber 50mn Baby Boomers) says most important issue is inflation, followed by healthcare and housing
Hartnett’s Bottom line: inflation not a vote-winner in ’24…
…and so absent sweeps and big tax cuts, the BofA CIO cautions that “fiscal no longer cyclical negative for bonds.”
To summarize: if Hartnett is right on his two assumptions, namely i) the next trade war with China will be deflationary and ii) the result of the election will see a big drop in government spending and thus, inflation, the obvious trade would be to buy deeply discounted bonds, something which Hartnett has been pitching for the past few months.
But wait there’s more…. in fact, three reasons more why Hartnett is extremely bullish on bonds in his near and medium-term outlook.
The first has to do with his current view of the investing landscape and that investors are “long the rich sectors” (Magnificent 7) and “short the poor sectors (e.g. REITs/small cap/ARKK); and with cyclical “middle class sectors” (industrials, homebuilders, resources, Nikkei, DAX) rolling over, the MSCI ACWI equal-weighted index is now down 0.6% YTD…” that to Hartnett is all positive for bonds.
The second is that Asian currencies (Japan yen, China renminbi) are close to multi-decade lows; And in a world where a strong US dollar dominates (and makes Asian exports super-competitive), coupled with far less fiscal stimulus (after the election) and no rate cuts by the Fed, US manufacturing will suffer (note manufacturing states of PA, WI, MI will decide election). That to Hartnett is also positive for bonds, and negative the US dollar in H2.
The third and final reason has to do with housing, to wit: “long homebuilders” has been the “anti” hard-landing/recession trade past 9 months; well the XHB is down 10% from Mar’24 peak with housing starts at 4-year low + rising impact of rates on mortgage affordability (estimated that ~15% of the more than 50mn US mortgages have a rate at or above 6%…up from 13% in Q4’23)
Now for the beleagured residential mortgage market.
And since lower homebuilders when rates are dropping (or about to drop) signals labor market weakening, any payroll confirmation of a weak US labor market (i.e. payrolls below 125-150k) would send 30Y TSY yields tumbling below 4%. Investors’ reaction would be a weak US dollar, maintenance “long Nasdaq, short Russell” trade, as well as further downward pressure in coming weeks on “middle class” cyclicals. As to what could burst the current tech/AI/semi bubble, Hartnett writes that a “major rotation from mega-cap tech “rich sectors” to small-cap “poor sectors” awaits unambiguous “hard landing” evidence, and “fast & furious” Fed cuts, is what is needed for asset allocators to cut stocks to go long bonds.
…which, many believe, will also drag down inflation (and it has been)…
Source: Bloomberg
Today, we get to see The Fed’s favorite inflation indicator – Core PCE – which rose 0.1% MoM in May (after a revised +0.3% MoM for April) and in line with expectations. The headline PCE Price Index was unchanged MoM as expected as Durable Goods deflation trumped surging Services costs…
Source: Bloomberg
On a YoY basis, both headline and core PCE declined…
Source: Bloomberg
On a YoY basis, Durable Goods deflation is at its strongest in at least a decade…
Source: Bloomberg
More notably, the so-called SuperCore PCE rose 0.1% MoM, which saw YoY slow to 3.39%… which is awkwardly stagnant at elevated levels…
Source: Bloomberg
That is the 49th straight monthly rise in SuperCore prices with Healthcare costs soaring…
Source: Bloomberg
On a MoM basis, Income grew more than expected (+0.5% vs +0.2% exp) while spending rose less than expected (+0.2% MoM vs +0.3% exp)
Source: Bloomberg
Which accelerated both income and spending on a YoY basis (with the latter outpacing the former, of course)…
Source: Bloomberg
With wage pressures rising once again…
Government 8.5%, up from 8.4% but below the record high of 8.9%
Private 4.5% up from 4.2%
Source: Bloomberg
And after a series of revisions, the savings rate ticked up to 3.9% of DPI (from 3.7%) – the highest since January…
Source: Bloomberg
All of which takes place against a background of the sixth straight month of rising government handouts (well it is an election year after all)…
Source: Bloomberg
Finally, while acyclical inflationary pressures continue to drift lower, cyclical inflationary pressures remain extremely elevated…
Source: Bloomberg
A very mixed bag but nothing screams ‘automatic’ rate-cuts… and SuperCore refuses to budge.
The jointly signed letter, first reported by Axios, says the economic agenda of U.S. President Joe Biden, a Democrat, is “vastly superior” to Trump’s, the former Republican president seeking a second term.
Read the source article from Reuters for the rest of the Marxist clown show. What Joe Stiglitz and other Leftist economists are cheerleading in the excessive post Covid spending spree that Biden and Congress went on. There is a different between a free market system and government directed spending, usually on large donors.
One source of crippling inflation under Biden is (wasteful) government spending, up 37.7% under Biden. Federal debt is up a nauseating 50% under Biden. These levels of spending and debt are NOT sustainable!
Another souce of inflation under Biden has been The Federal Reserve. With Covid. The Fed entered like gangbusters dropping their target rate to 25 basis points and massively increasing their balance sheet. Call this BIDEN 1. Then to squelch inflation, The Fed raised their target rate and slowly started to unwind the balance sheet. We saw a slowing of inflation. Nothing to do with Biden, although I am sure he will take credit for it at Thursday’s debate with Trump.
Inflation was growing rapidly in Biden 1, but inflation started to slow (Biden 2) as The Fed rapidly raised their target rate.
But, below the hood of the last one we see some more interesting dynamics evolving as revenues and employment decline while prices re-accelerate…
Source: Bloomberg
This is the 25th straight month of contraction (sub-zero) for the Dallas Fed Services index and judging by the respondents’ comments, there is a clear place to point the finger of blame:
Poor national leadership and lack of confidence have eroded the business environment.
The Federal Reserve’s recent announcement of no rate cuts in the near future is concerning regarding the immediate and lag effect it could have on the local economy. We have received direct feedback from many of our clients in various industries, and they are increasingly concerned. They are freezing hires and spending, with many reducing spending. The primary reason is the economic stagnation locally and nationally affecting their businesses.
People are adjusting to new economic realities. Few are expecting salary increases and are instead making lifestyle adjustments to deal with higher living costs. Reality is also setting in for the apartment owners we serve. They understand rents aren’t going up and interest rates aren’t coming down. As rate caps expire and loans mature, lenders are having to adapt as well. Ultimately, a lot of private equity (much in the form of individual retirement savings put into syndications) is getting wiped out.
We need a rate cut before we will see any revenue improvement from home sales.
As elections draw near, the political environment worsens, creating more uncertainty in our business.
We feel inflation and fear of more inflation plus the rise in cost of living are holding consumers back. Hopefully we will adapt to the new realities soon.
Customers are concerned about the election, so they are holding off on large purchases.
The lack of building activity is shutting down the appliance industry.
Affordability has become an ever-increasing problem for new car dealers. The price increases of new cars combined with higher interest rates have put new cars out of reach for more and more people.
[Car] inventories continue to swell, and interest rates remain high. Our grosses are off, and margins continue to decline. Profits are down 20 percent from the prior year.
The economy is slowing. The consumer is more cautious and more reluctant to purchase at higher prices and payments.
And finally, this seemed to sum up just how business-owners feel in general about the current occupant of The White House:
“Our outlook depends heavily on the presidential election.
S&P/Case-Shiller released the monthly Home Price Indices for April (“April” is a 3-month average of February, March and April closing prices). The pace of appreciation has slowed from the previous month, reflecting the toll of 7% mortgage rates and low inventory.
This release includes prices for 20 individual cities, two composite indices (for 10 cities and 20 cities) and the monthly National index.
The S&P CoreLogic Case-Shiller U.S. National Home Price NSA Index, covering all nine U.S. census divisions, reported a 6.3% annual gain for April, down from a 6.5% annual gain in the previous month. The 10-City Composite saw an annual increase of 8.0%, down from an 8.3% annual increase in the previous month. The 20-City Composite posted a year-over-year increase of 7.2%, dropping from a 7.5% increase in the previous month. San Diego continued to report the highest annual gain among the 20 cities in April with a 10.3% increase this month, followed by New York and Chicago, with increases of 9.4% and 8.7%, respectively. Portland once again held the lowest rank this month for the smallest year-over-year growth, with a 1.7% annual increase in April. … The U.S. National Index, the 20-City Composite, and the 10-City Composite upward trends decelerated from last month, with pre-seasonality adjustment increases of 1.2%, 1.36% and 1.38%, respectively.
After seasonal adjustment, the U.S. National Index and 10-City Composite posted the same month-over-month increase of 0.3% and 0.5% respectively as last month, while the 20-City reported a monthly increase of 0.4%.
“For the second consecutive month, we’ve seen our National Index jump at least 1% over its previous all-time high,” says Brian D. Luke, Head of Commodities, Real & Digital Assets at S&P Dow Jones Indices. “2024 is closely tracking the strong start observed last year, where March and April posted the largest rise seen prior to a slowdown in the summer and fall. Heading into summer, the market is at an all-time high, once again testing its resilience against the historically more active time of the year.
“Thirteen markets are currently at all-time highs and San Diego reigns supreme once again, topping annual returns for the last six months. The Northeast is the best performing market for the previous nine months, with New York rising 9.4% annually. Sustained outperformance of the Northeast market was last observed in 2011. For the decade that followed, the West and the South held the top posts for performance. It’s now been over a year since we’ve seen the top region come from the South or the West.
Of course, Fed Money Printing is helping drive home price growth. Perhaps too much!
Here is Jerome Powell, Chairman of The Fed Bubble Blowing Machine!!
One month after the May Consumer Sentiment printed at a record 7-sigma miss to expectations, consumer sentiment once again “unexpectedly” slumped, this time from an upward revised 68.8 to 67.6, the lowest print since last November, and the biggest 3-month drop in sentiment (-13.8 points) going back to the covid lockdowns.
… which was not only a 5-sigma miss to the median estimate (an improvement from last month’s 7-sigma)…
… but also the biggest miss of 2024.
The collapse in sentiment was broad based, and hammered both current conditions – which plunged from 69.6 to 62.5, the lowest since 2022 and badly missing estimates of 72.2 – and also expectations, which dropped from 68.8 to 67.6 (and also far below the 72.0 estimate).
The decline in sentiment coincides with signs that the labor market, which has driven consumer spending over the last year, is also falling apart. The unemployment rate rose to 4% last month, the highest in more than two years, while jobless claims unexpectedly soared following a firing frenzy out of California.
“While lower-income families have, as a group, seen notable wage gains in a strong labor market, their budgets remain tight amid continued high prices even as inflation has slowed,” Joanne Hsu, director of the survey, said in a statement.
But wait there’s more, because if that was the “stag” part of the report, the UMich report also confirmed that the “flation” isn’t far behind, as the inflation outlook continued its recent deterioration, to wit: 1 Year inflation expectations remained unchanged at 3.3%, beating estimates of a drop back 3.2%, while 5-10 Year inflation expectations rose from 3.0% to 3.1%, the highest since November.
If that wasn’t enough, the slide in sentiment suggests restrained consumer demand in coming months. The university’s measure of buying conditions for durable goods decreased to the lowest level since December 2022, a glowing testament to just how tapped out the US consumer truly is.
In short: the verdict for Bidenomics is in, and it’s a complete disaster, as for Powell’s recent laughable comment that he can’t see the “stag” nor the “flation”… well, Fed chair, they just bit you on the ass.
On top of a poor consumer sentiment report, the PPI Final Demand index was down … again.
Despite Biden’s rambling that inflation is improving, bear in mind that the inflation rate is at it highest in 50 years. Yes, it has improved from 18% in 2022 to above 10% today.
A recent research paper by four noted economists, including Larry Summers, the former Treasury Secretary under Barack Obama and former Harvard President, discovered that the real inflation rate during the Biden years, using pre-1983 calculations reached 18% in 2022.
The number is the highest inflation rate the country has seen in over 50 years.
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